The Founder of the Zionist movement supported the brutal Ottoman sultan against the Armenians, believing this would get the sultan to sell Palestine to the Jews. By Rachel Elboim-Dror | Haaretz | May 1, 2015

By Rachel Elboim-Dror | Haaretz | May 1, 2015



The Founder of the Zionist movement supported the brutal Ottoman sultan against the Armenians, believing this would get the sultan to sell Palestine to the Jews.
By Rachel Elboim-Dror | Haaretz | May 1, 2015
The Armenian question has occupied the Zionist movement since a mass killing of Armenians was carried out by the Turks in the mid 1890s — prior even to the First Zionist Congress. Herzl’s strategy was based on the idea of an exchange: The Jews would pay off the Ottoman Empire’s huge debt, in return for the acquisition of Palestine and the establishment of a Jewish state there, with the major powers’ consent. Herzl had been working hard to persuade Sultan Abdul Hamid II to accept the proposal, but to no avail.



“Instead of offering the Sultan money,” Herzl’s diplomatic agent Philip Michael Nevlinski (who also advised the Sultan) told him, “give him political support on the Armenian issue, and he’ll be grateful and accept your proposal, in part at least.” The Christian European countries had been critical of the murder of Armenian Christians at the hands of Muslims, and committees supporting the Armenians had been founded in various places, and Europe also offered refuge to leaders of the Armenian revolt. This situation made it very difficult for Turkey to obtain loans from European banks.
Herzl eagerly took the advice. He felt that it was appropriate to try any means possible to hasten the establishment of a Jewish state. And so he agreed to serve as a tool of the Sultan, by trying to convince the leaders of the Armenian revolt that if they surrendered to the Sultan, he would comply with some of their demands. Herzl also tried to show the West that Turkey was in fact more humane, that it had no choice but to deal with the Armenian revolt this way, and that it aspired to a ceasefire and a political arrangement. After much effort, he also met with the Sultan on May 17, 1901.
The Sultan hoped that Herzl, a well-known journalist, would be able to alter the Ottoman Empire’s negative image. And so Herzl launched an intensive campaign to fulfill the Sultan’s wish, casting himself as a mediator for peace. He established ties with and held secret meetings with the Armenian rebels, in an attempt to get them to stop the violence, but they were not convinced of his sincerity, and did not trust the Sultan’s promises. Herzl also made energetic attempts to this effect in diplomatic channels in Europe, which he was very familiar with.
As was his way, he did not consult with other Zionist movement leaders, and kept his activities secret. But in need of some assistance, he wrote to Max Nordau to try to recruit him for the mission as well. Nordau responded with a one-word telegram: “No.” In his eagerness to obtain the charter for Palestine from the Turks, Herzl publicly declared — after the start of the yearly Zionist Congresses — that the Zionist movement expresses its admiration and gratitude to the Sultan, despite opposition from some representatives.
Herzl’s chief opponent on this was Bernard Lazare, a French Jewish intellectual, leftist, well-known journalist and literary critic, who had fought prominently against the Dreyfus trial, and was a supporter of the Armenian cause. He was so incensed by Herzl’s activity that he resigned from the Zionist Committee and abandoned the movement altogether in 1899. Lazare published an open letter to Herzl in which he asked: How can those who purport to represent the ancient people whose history is written in blood extend a welcoming hand to murderers, and no delegate to the Zionist Congress rises up in protest?
This drama involving Herzl — a leader who subordinated humanitarian considerations and served the Turkish authorities for the sake of the ideal of the Jewish state — is just one illustration of the frequent clash between political goals and moral principles. Israel has repeatedly been faced with such tragic dilemmas, as evidenced in its long-standing position of not officially recognizing the Armenian genocide, as well as in other more recent decisions that reflect the tension between humanitarian values and realpolitik considerations.



The writer is professor emeritus of history of education and culture at Hebrew University. 

Dr Ghada El Yafi
______________________________________________________________

Have a laugh

A bookseller conducting a market survey asked a woman – “Which book has helped you most in your life?”
The woman replied – “My husband’s cheque book !!”

A prospective husband in a book store asked “Do you have a book called, ‘Husband – the Master of the House’?
Sales Girl : “Sir, Fiction and Comics are on the 1st floor!”.

Someone asked an old man : “Even after 70 years, you still call your wife – Darling, Honey, Luv. What’s the secret ?
Old man : I forgot her name and I’m scared to ask her.

A man in Hell asked the Devil : Can I make a call to my Wife ?
After making the call he asked how much he has to pay.
Devil : Nothing. Hell to hell is Free.

Wife : I wish I was a newspaper, so I’d be in your hands all day.
Husband : I  wish that too, so I could have a new one every day !

Husband to wife – Today is a fine day. Next day he repeats : Today is a fine day. Again, the next day he says the same thing. Finally after a week, the wife couldn’t take it anymore and asks: for the last week, you have said “Today is a fine day". I am fed up. What’s the matter?
Husband : Last week, when we had an argument, you said, “I will leave you one fine day.” I was trying to remind you……"

How Herzl sold out the Armenians

How Herzl sold out the Armenians

The Founder of the Zionist movement supported the brutal Ottoman sultan against the Armenians, believing this would get the sultan to sell Palestine to the Jews.

By Rachel Elboim-Dror | Haaretz | May 1, 2015 |

The Armenian question has occupied the Zionist movement since a mass killing of Armenians was carried out by the Turks in the mid 1890s — prior even to the First Zionist Congress. Herzl’s strategy was based on the idea of an exchange: The Jews would pay off the Ottoman Empire’s huge debt, in return for the acquisition of Palestine and the establishment of a Jewish state there, with the major powers’ consent. Herzl had been working hard to persuade Sultan Abdul Hamid II to accept the proposal, but to no avail.

“Instead of offering the Sultan money,” Herzl’s diplomatic agent Philip Michael Nevlinski (who also advised the Sultan) told him, “give him political support on the Armenian issue, and he’ll be grateful and accept your proposal, in part at least.” The Christian European countries had been critical of the murder of Armenian Christians at the hands of Muslims, and committees supporting the Armenians had been founded in various places, and Europe also offered refuge to leaders of the Armenian revolt. This situation made it very difficult for Turkey to obtain loans from European banks.

Herzl eagerly took the advice. He felt that it was appropriate to try any means possible to hasten the establishment of a Jewish state. And so he agreed to serve as a tool of the Sultan, by trying to convince the leaders of the Armenian revolt that if they surrendered to the Sultan, he would comply with some of their demands. Herzl also tried to show the West that Turkey was in fact more humane, that it had no choice but to deal with the Armenian revolt this way, and that it aspired to a ceasefire and a political arrangement. After much effort, he also met with the Sultan on May 17, 1901.

The Sultan hoped that Herzl, a well-known journalist, would be able to alter the Ottoman Empire’s negative image. And so Herzl launched an intensive campaign to fulfill the Sultan’s wish, casting himself as a mediator for peace. He established ties with and held secret meetings with the Armenian rebels, in an attempt to get them to stop the violence, but they were not convinced of his sincerity, and did not trust the Sultan’s promises. Herzl also made energetic attempts to this effect in diplomatic channels in Europe, which he was very familiar with.

As was his way, he did not consult with other Zionist movement leaders, and kept his activities secret. But in need of some assistance, he wrote to Max Nordau to try to recruit him for the mission as well. Nordau responded with a one-word telegram: “No.” In his eagerness to obtain the charter for Palestine from the Turks, Herzl publicly declared — after the start of the yearly Zionist Congresses — that the Zionist movement expresses its admiration and gratitude to the Sultan, despite opposition from some representatives.

Herzl’s chief opponent on this was Bernard Lazare, a French Jewish intellectual, leftist, well-known journalist and literary critic, who had fought prominently against the Dreyfus trial, and was a supporter of the Armenian cause. He was so incensed by Herzl’s activity that he resigned from the Zionist Committee and abandoned the movement altogether in 1899. Lazare published an open letter to Herzl in which he asked: How can those who purport to represent the ancient people whose history is written in blood extend a welcoming hand to murderers, and no delegate to the Zionist Congress rises up in protest?

This drama involving Herzl — a leader who subordinated humanitarian considerations and served the Turkish authorities for the sake of the ideal of the Jewish state — is just one illustration of the frequent clash between political goals and moral principles. Israel has repeatedly been faced with such tragic dilemmas, as evidenced in its long-standing position of not officially recognizing the Armenian genocide, as well as in other more recent decisions that reflect the tension between humanitarian values and realpolitik considerations.

The writer is professor emeritus of history of education and culture at Hebrew University

من أجمل ما كتب علي بن أبي طالب عليه السلام :

من أجمل ما كتب علي بن أبي طالب عليه السلام :

صُنِ النَفسَ وَاِحمِلها عَلى ما يزيِنُها تَعِش سالِماً وَالقَولُ فيكَ جَميلُ
وَلا تُرِينَّ الناسَ إِلّا تَجَمُّلاً نَبا بِكَ دَهرٌ أَو جَفاكَ خَليلُ
وَإِن ضاقَ رِزقُ اليَومِ فَاِصبِر إِلى غَدٍ عَسى نَكَباتِ الدَهرِ عَنكَ تَزولُ
يَعِزُّ غَنِيُّ النَفسِ إِن قَلَّ مالُهُ ويَغنى غَنِيُّ المالِ وَهوَ ذَليلُ
وَلا خَيرَ في وِدِّ اِمرِئٍ مُتَلَّونٍ إِذا الريحُ مالَت مالَ حَيثُ تَميلُ
جَوادٌ إِذا اِستَغنَيتَ عَن أَخذِ مالِهِ وَعِندَ اِحتِمالِ الفَقرِ عَنكَ بَخيلُ
فَما أَكثَرَ الإِخوان حينَ تَعدّهُم وَلَكِنَهُم في النائِباتِ قَليلُ

حكمة اليوم

جالس العلماء بعقلك ، وجالس الأمراء بعلمك ، وجالس الأصدقاء بأدبك ، وجالس أهل بيتك بعطفك ، وإن جالست السفهاء فبحلمك . وكن جليس ربك بذكرك ، وكن جليس نفسك بنصحك . ﺻِﻠَﺘُﻚَ ﺑـ ﺍﻟﻠﻪ ، ﻫﻲَّ ﺑﻮﺁﺑَﺘُﻚَ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺂﻩ .. قد تسكن قصراً و تضيق بك الحياة ، وقد تسكن جحراً و يشرح الله صدرك .. 
قد يكون لك إخوة و تعيش وحيداً ، 
وقد تكون وحيداً و حولك إخوة .. 
قد ترى الأصدقاء يطعنون ظهرك .. 
وقد ترى الأعداء ينقذون حياتك .. 
وقد ترى أغنياء يرتشون ..
وقد ترى فقراء يتصدقون ..
لهذا سميت دنيا !
إحسانك و تعاملك لا ينسى ، فلا تندم على لحظات أسعدت بها أحداً - كن شيئا جميلاً فالكل راحل..

كلمة توباما الموجهة لمجلس التعاون الخليجي

وفي خطاب غير مألوف، منذ انتخابه رئيساً للولايات المتحدة في العام 2008، وجّه اوباما رسالة تحذير مباشرة إلى دول مجلس التعاون الخليجي، معتبراً أن أكبر خطر يتهدد الحكام الخليجيين، ليس التعرض لهجوم محتمل من إيران، وإنما حالة الغضب داخل بلادهم، بما في ذلك سخط الشبان العاطلين والإحساس بعدم وجود مخرج سياسي لمظالمهم.
وتحدث اوباما، للمرة الاولى، عن «حوار صعب» ينتظره مع قادة الدول الخليجية، الذين سيلتقي بهم خلال الاسابيع المقبلة في كامب ديفيد، وتحديداً في الملف النووي الايراني، الذي وصفه بأنه «أفضل الخيارات المتاحة»، والملف السوري، الذي تساءل عن الدور الذي يقوم العرب في معالجته، فضلاً عن ملفي الأمن والإرهاب، ملمحاً الى مسؤولية الحكام العرب عن دفع الشبان نحو الانضمام الى «داعش».

كلمة السيدة ليلى الصلح حمادة في الجامعة اليسوعية بمناسبة منح والدها المرحوم رياض بيك الصلح كرسي في الجامعة

اصحاب المعالي والسعادة

رئيس جامعة القديس يوسف الاب سليم دكاش

اسرة الجامعة… عمداء.. اساتذة وطلاب

ايها الحضور الكريم

اشعر الان بالارباك الشديد على غير عادتي، فالموضوع عندي عاطفي المناسبة والحضور حقوقي يحاسب على الشهادة، ساحتكم اذن اليوم الى القلوب وليس الى العقول.

قيل لي صفه قلت تعيا القوافي،

قيل لي عدده قلت يعيا الحساب،

هكذا رثاك صديقك الشاعر الكبير امين نخلة يوم تأبينك فبأي كلام اتوجه اليك اليوم وانا ابنتك الصغرى، لم اعرفك، لا اذكرك، علمتني حبك اقرب الناس اليك، واكبت جهادك حضرت ولادة ميثاقك، شهدت على وجهك العربي، عاشت معك لبنان القمة من الاستقلال الى الاغتيال، انها كبيرتنا علياء، كم تمنيت وجودها لترى ما حققه لها ابن شقيقتها الوليد اليوم.

في هذا الصرح العريق فهنا يكمن الماضي المجيد لتاريخ لبنان الحديث 140 سنة من العطاء، 140 سنة من الجهاد الوطني.

ويشير المؤرخ يوسف يزبك الى ان ميل رياض الصلح الى تفهم الفكرة اللبنانية وتبني مطاليبها الاستقلالية وتفاهمه مع أحرارها يرجع الى اسباب كثيرة تفاعلت في تفكيره فاثرت في نهجه السوي ولعل خميرة تلك العوامل كلها تربيته العائلية ودراسته في مدرسة الاباء اليسوعيين في بيروت حيث خالط اللبنانيين واختلط بعقليتهم فأتيح له ان يتفهم لبنان على حقيقته.

ايها الحضور الكريم

ماذا بقي من هذا الصفاء الوطني؟

ماذا حلّ بهذه الوجدانية السياسية؟

ماذا بقي من هذه المدرسة التي ابتدعها رياض الصلح ليحكُم؟

بعد نكبة 1948 أعطينا اللاجئون بالترغيب

واليوم التوطين آت بالترهيب

بعد احداث 1958، بات للبنان شريك ملازم، وصي على سيادته.

بعد حرب 1975، اعطونا الطائف واخذوا منا الميثاق.

وهل يُحكم الوطن بثلاثة رؤوس، حتى تفرّقنا طوائف وتشتتنا مذاهب؟

العروبة ألغيت شيعيا ولا عجب فصبغتها الدينية الاحادية وعدم مبالاتها بمحنة الجنوب حتم استحضار هوية شيعية.

والعروبة رٌفضت ايامها سنيا ولا عجب ففشلها امام اسرائيل وعجزها عن حماية السنة حتم رفع شعار الطائفة المظلومة وبالتالي تم استحضار الهوية الاصولية الاسلامية.

والمسيحية فقدت هويتها واصبحت اقلية لانها فضلت الالتحاق بغيرها بدلا من الاستقواء بشراكتها وتحسن دورها التحكيمي.

انا اسأل اليوم اين السيادة يا ابي؟ ضاعت في احضان العمالة،

اين الحرية يا ابي؟ سيقت الى سجن المساومة،

اين العزة يا ابي؟ بيعت في اسواق الازدهار الفاسد.

ايها الطالب

اليوم الزمن يلعب ضد وحدة لبنان، هناك جيل لا يعرف ما هو التعايش بين المسلم والمسيحي بين السني والشيعي، لا بل ان هذا الجيل بعد سنوات سيسقط امكانات المراهنة على لبنان الواحد الحر الذي ننادي به.

حاكمك اورثك وطنا

ممرا للتكفيري

ومقرا للنازح السوري

ومستقرا لولده من بعده.

اليوم لا وقت للمحاسبة الوقت للانقاذ، حانت الساعة لتستريح الرقاب من الانحناء، ودور رياض الصلح ينتظر من يأخذه.

ختاما، وجودنا هنا اليوم هو لنعيد للتاريخ ما سلبه الحاضر وما شوهه الماضي القريب...

كرسي رياض الصلح في جامعة القديس يوسف وفي كلية الحقوق رسالة نوجهها الى كل من حاول العبث ببنية الوطن الميثاقية وكل من حاول تخريب الصيغة والمس بجوهرها...

نحن على يقين ان كرسي رياض الصلح في ايد امينة... من هنا مر التاريخ كما قال الاب دكاش منذ ايام ومن هنا نطل على المستقبل... اعز الله لبنان... شكرا لكل الذين شاركونا هذا اللقاء...